mercredi 4 février 2026
(Ca, c'est la vraie position du premier ministre indien modi, il est à fond derrière le cul d'Israël et en tant que radical indouiste, il est pour massacrer des musulmans. Le concernant sa position, elle trouve son origine dans la domination musulmane de la plus grand partie de l'Inde avec l'empire du grand Mogol, période historique pendant laquelle la population hindouiste a été extrêmement opprimée, sinon joyeusement massacrée. Mais il faudrait que je relise cette période de l'histoire. note de rené)
British couple asked to leave India for pasting pro-Palestine posters
February 4, 2026 at 5:27 pm
A view of the walls are painted with ‘Free Palestine’ and ‘All eyes on Rafah’ in support of Gaza at the Hackney Wick neighbourhood in London, United Kingdom on April 10, 2024. [Raşid Necati Aslım – Anadolu Agency]
A British couple was asked to leave India for pasting posters in support of Palestine at various locations in the western state of Rajasthan, local media reported Tuesday.
Lewis Gabriel Dee and his girlfriend Anushi Emma Christine were visiting India on a tourist visa and staying in Pushkar, an ancient temple town, according to Firstpost.
On Jan. 21, local authorities noticed posters carrying messages such as “Free Palestine, Boycott Israel” at several public locations.
Following an investigation, India’s Intelligence Department concluded that the act violated local sensitivities and breached visa rules, as political activity is not permitted on a tourist visa.
READ: HRW pulls report linking Israel’s denial of right of return to crime against humanity
The two British nationals, both 36 years old, have received a “leave India” notice issued under the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025, instructing them to leave the country immediately.
Before a ceasefire came into effect last October, an Israeli offensive that began in October 2023 and lasted two years killed more than 71,000 Palestinians and wounded over 171,000 others, while destroying about 90% of Gaza’s infrastructure.
Israel also continues to carry out attacks in violation of the ceasefire agreement.
Syria signs MoU with Chevron, Qatari firm to explore oil, gas offshore
February 4, 2026 at 5:43 pm. Middle East Monitor
The Syrian army takes control of the Sevra Oil Field in the rural areas of Raqqa after seizing it from the YPG, operating under the name SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) in Syria on January 18, 2026. [Kasim Yusuf – Anadolu Agency]
Syria signed a memorandum of understanding on Wednesday with US oil firm Chevron and Qatar-based Power International Holding to explore for oil and natural gas in Syrian territorial waters, Anadolu reports.
During the signing ceremony, Youssef Qablawi, CEO of the Syrian Petroleum Company, said the importance of the memorandums lies in their role in strengthening the national economy, Alikhbariah TV reported.
A dedicated team has been assigned to support the agreement with the aim of turning it into a binding contract, Qablawi said.
Oil wells in Syria had been subjected to sabotage before coming under state control during a military operation against the terrorist organization YPG/SDF in the northeastern provinces of Raqqa and Deir el-Zour, he added.
US special envoy to Syria Tom Barrack said during the signing ceremony that Syria “continues to impress with its social fabric vertically and horizontally, under the leadership of President Ahmad al-Sharaa,” according to the channel.
Barrack said Chevron is among the world’s most prominent energy companies and typically operates in line with US policy, adding that the partnership represents a transformative step toward reshaping Syria’s image after years of hardship.
READ: Turkiye, Saudi Arabia to cooperate on Syria’s reconstruction: President Erdogan
“(The Syrian) political leadership is a cornerstone of recovery and stability, and that investment in the energy sector could open the door to jobs and improved living conditions in Syria,” Barrack added.
On Jan. 25, the Syrian Petroleum Company announced that its technical teams had begun extracting oil from fields recaptured by the army from the SDF.
With the government regaining full control over oil and gas fields after pushing out SDF fighters, observers say the move marks one of the most significant economic turning points in decades.
Syria holds an estimated 2.5 billion barrels of oil reserves, with current production at about 100,000 barrels per day. The country also has roughly 285 billion cubic meters of gas reserves, with current output estimated at about 12.5 million cubic meters.
The reserves underscore Syria’s sizeable resource potential, particularly as security and political stability improve in eastern regions.
The Syrian government continues to face major challenges, including rehabilitating damaged energy infrastructure, securing technical cooperation from abroad and attracting investment to gradually increase production capacity.
READ: Syria, Jordan sign gas supply deal to boost electricity generation
(A mon avis, un coup des israéliens. note de rené)
The death of Saif al-Islam was not the surprise, his survival was
February 4, 2026 at 9:04 am
Former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s son, Saif Al-Islam [Twitter]
There is little reason for observers to be shocked by the fate that finally caught up with him, killed in an operation that remains murky even now. Herodotus’s old saying, ‘Out of Libya, always something new’, was never a promise of wonder. Rather, it was a warning about a land where chaos renews itself endlessly. The ‘new’ emerging from Libya today is merely a repetition of the same tragedy. His death is not the surprise; the real surprise is that he survived at all after the killing of his father, Muammar Gaddafi, his brother Mutassim, and the flight of the rest of the family. Since 2011, Libya has witnessed the predictable outcome of a society that was deliberately dismantled and left to fight over fragments too small to cast the shadow of a nation.
Saif al-Islam’s survival was never the result of personal immunity or political charisma. Rather, it was the product of a fragile balance of power that kept him alive because he was useful as a possibility, not a real option. He was a reserve card held by various domestic and foreign actors and used for pressure, bargaining or blackmail far more than for any political project. Post-2011 Libya never wanted a president; it wanted more ‘cards’ in the disorderly mix. Once a card’s function is exhausted, eliminating it becomes part of the logic of the game, not a deviation from it.
Viewed in this way, the killing of Saif al-Islam fits neatly into the logic of violence that has characterised Libya since the fall of the regime. In a state that does not monopolise force or legitimacy, anyone outside a stable protection network is exposed to accumulated vendettas, such as political revenge, tribal retaliation or messages aimed at other players. His earlier survival was the result of a balance of terror among forces that were unwilling to bear the cost of killing him. Once that balance shifted, his death became a practical solution to a complicated equation rather than an exceptional event in a country accustomed to devouring its own.
Muammar Gaddafi’s regime was never a solution for Libya, and neither were the militias and state looters who inherited the post-2011 landscape. More accurately, they never wanted to be. Personal, regional and tribal interests have always taken precedence over any national idea. Today, Libya resembles what the Romanian philosopher Emil Cioran once wrote: ‘Nations that fail to invent their future are condemned to recycle their past as punishment.’
When Saif al-Islam announced his presidential bid from Sabha in 2021, it was an implicit admission that Libya was no longer a country one could flee from the capital. Tripoli was not an option and Benghazi was no longer guaranteed, so he chose the desert — where his father began and ended. Sabha is not a city, but a political geography. Libyans call it a road to hell. The dry heart of the south, from which young people flee towards the coast in search of a better life. Yet Saif al-Islam wanted to use it as a platform for his political comeback, reenacting his father’s final attempt to break the siege by heading south. However, the real Libya lies between Zintan, where he was held for over a decade until his death, and Sabha, where he sought a comeback: a fractured land that recognises only small loyalties and grants no one full legitimacy.
READ: Libya finds mass grave of human trafficking victims in Ajdabiya
Those who believe in Libya’s national future, regardless of their opinion of Saif al-Islam, know that he would have repeated his father’s fatal mistake of relying on tribes rather than the nation as a whole. This convinced Libya’s political class that geography could substitute for statehood. Saif al-Islam needed to present himself as Libyan rather than as a Gaddafi, someone from Sirte or someone from the desert. But the road to nationhood in Libya is always blocked before it even begins.
In the early 2000s, Saif al-Islam presented himself to Western capitals as an acceptable face of the regime. He closed the Lockerbie case, secured the release of the Bulgarian nurses, and travelled through London, Paris and Rome as a potential reformer. His father granted him some freedom of movement, but denied him the means to effect real change. Libyan elites who had once placed their hopes in him eventually withdrew when they realised that his ‘national project’ was mere rhetoric. When eastern Libya rose up in 2011, Muammar Gaddafi declared that Saif al-Islam would go to Benghazi to negotiate. However, he convinced no one — just as his father had failed to recognise the moment of his own downfall.
Mutassim died fighting, as his father had wanted. Saadi, as Libyans expected, fled to Niger and was later extradited and imprisoned until his release in 2021. Saif al-Islam chose survival over battle. He escaped death, but he could not escape the political vacuum that consumed his project.
Before his death, Libya’s electoral map was straightforward: he received no votes in Tripoli, had no presence in Misrata, and had only a small following in Benghazi. The only areas left were the south and a few towns that remained loyal to Gaddafi-era politics. Even if he had won the south, however, this would not have made him president of Libya; it would merely have reproduced the same division. Like every other actor since 2011, he fell into the same trap: the absence of a unifying national project.
Saif al-Islam lacked the tools, support base and legitimacy required to lead a national vision. History was against him, geography was unkind, and the world never accepted him. States that had tried to rehabilitate far less controversial figures failed to do so with him.
As the Italian historian Luigi Villari wrote about Libya in 1911: “This land grants no one power; it grants only the illusion that it can be controlled.” The illusion persists. Saif al-Islam was not the answer for Libya, just as Abdulhamid Dbeibah, Khalifa Haftar, Fathi Bashagha, Ali Zeidan and Aref al-Nayed are not. However, his death adds a new layer of complexity. If Libyans cannot agree on holding elections in the first place, how will they agree on the results? With one of the most polarising figures now gone, the situation becomes even more opaque. The hope that Libyans might unite was difficult yesterday, is difficult today, and will be even more difficult tomorrow.
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